Dr. Shyama Prasad Mukherjee

To have lived long does not necessarily imply the gathering of much wisdom and experience. A man who has pedalled 25,000 miles on a stationary bi-cycle has not circled the globe. He has only garnered weariness.

The quote was a message given by a father to his son. The father knew what he was saying, he was High Court Judge, and also served as Vice Chancellor of Kolkata University. The father was Ashutosh Mukherjee, his son would go on to live by his father’s words and actually make them come true.

He would go on to be come the youngest vice chancellor of Kolkata University, serve as Finance Minister of Bengal. He was also a qualified lawyer, though he did not practice much. He served as Minister for Industries in Nehru’s cabinet, and also formulated the first Industrial policy of Independent India. The son was a certain Shyama Prasad Mukherjee, the founder of the Jan Sangh, one of the leading lights of Hindutva in India.

Unfortunately Shyama Prasad Mukherjee has never been given his due, by historians, has been portrayed as a rabble rousing communal bigot.

Dr. Mukherjee was among the early voices advocating for a Uniform Civil Code—not as a tool of majoritarianism, but as a means to ensure equality before the law, regardless of religion. He believed that a common civil framework would strengthen national integration and protect individual rights across communities.

In 1951, when the First Amendment to the Constitution sought to curtail free speech by adding vague restrictions like “public order” and “friendly relations with foreign states,” Mukherjee stood firm in Parliament. He argued that such changes diluted the spirit of democracy and were aimed at silencing dissent—especially criticism of the Nehru-Liaquat Pact and the treatment of Hindus in East Pakistan.

His most defining—and ultimately fatal—stand was against Article 370 and the special status of Jammu & Kashmir. His rallying cry, “Ek desh mein do Vidhan, do Pradhan, aur do Nishan nahi chalenge” (One nation cannot have two constitutions, two prime ministers, and two flags), became a cornerstone of the nationalist movement. His arrest and mysterious death in 1953 while protesting the permit system in Kashmir remain a haunting chapter in India’s post-independence history.

Coming from quite an illustrious background, he inherited a tradition of scholarship and nationalism from his father. He graduated from University of Calcutta in 1921 and later his masters from the same institution in English.He also had an MA in Bengali at the insistence of his father, who felt that vernacular languages should also be given importance.

He had an early blow when he was just 23, with his father passing away in 1924, at Patna. It was a big shock to Shyama Prasad, who looked up to his father as his role model. In his own words

My life changed its course on 25th May,1924.All the mirth and joy disappeared from my life. A new chapter had began and it continues to this day.

After his father’s death, he became a Fellow of Kolkata University, and was appointed as a Syndicate member in place of his father. Having had to live up to an illustrious legacy, his father had served with distinction in his capacity, he soon proved to be equal to the task.

For close to 2 decades, he would serve Kolkata University in various capacities, with distinction. In 1926 he left to London, to study for the Bar and enrolled at Lincoln’s Inn.

After returning from Lincoln’s Inn in 1927, Dr. Syama Prasad Mukherjee did indeed practice law at the Calcutta High Court, but his soul was clearly drawn elsewhere: to the world of ideas, institutions, and national service.

His wife’s untimely death after just eleven years of marriage left him with four young children. It was a devastating blow, especially following the earlier loss of his father. Yet, in the midst of this personal storm, his sister-in-law Tara Debi stepped in with quiet heroism, raising the children as her own—a gesture that allowed Mukherjee to continue his public life without abandoning his responsibilities as a father.

At just 33 years old, he became the youngest Vice Chancellor of Calcutta University, a role he held for two terms. His tenure was nothing short of transformative:

Introduced agricultural education, teacher training programs, and military training for students—an unusual but forward-thinking move at the time.

Championed vernacular languages, inviting Rabindranath Tagore to deliver the convocation address in Bengali for the first time in 1937.

Established the Asutosh Museum of Indian Art, expanded departments in Chinese and Tibetan studies, and initiated archaeological excavations.

Standardized Bengali spellings, launched a scientific terminology project, and promoted Bengali publications across disciplines.

He also undertook many institutional reforms, formulating the College Code, introduced system of supplementary exams for failed students, as also initiating military training for students.

He also started the practice of celebrating University Foundation Day on Jan 24, every year, and initiated a scheme in Applied Chemistry to impart training in production of industrial goods. It was during his tenure that Rabindranath Tagore addressed a convocation in 1937 for the first time. He was also Member of Council for IISC, Bangalore and played his role there too.

After his transformative tenure as Vice Chancellor, Mukherjee entered the Bengal Legislative Council in 1929 as a Congress candidate. But when the party chose to boycott the legislatures in 1930, he resigned—only to return as an Independent, signaling his lifelong preference for principled autonomy over party conformity.

His decision to join the Krishak Praja Party–Muslim League coalition under A.K. Fazlul Haq was bold and pragmatic. As Finance Minister, he hoped to counterbalance communal polarization and bring administrative stability. But the British colonial government, wary of his growing influence, censored his speeches, restricted his movements, and barred him from visiting flood-ravaged Midnapore in 1942.

That act of bureaucratic cruelty—denying a minister access to his own people in crisis—was the final straw. Mukherjee resigned in protest, and then did what he always did best, mobilized civil society. With the Ramakrishna Mission, Mahabodhi Society, and Marwari Relief Society, he organized grassroots relief efforts, bypassing state machinery altogether.

As President of the Mahabodhi Society of India between 1942 to 53, he secured the return of the sacred relics of Sariputta and Maudgalayana from the British Museum in 1949.

These relics, once taken by General Cunningham in the 19th century, were ceremonially re-enshrined at the Sanchi Stupa, with Mukherjee personally carrying them in a historic procession.

He later took these relics to Burma, Cambodia, and Vietnam, rekindling India’s spiritual ties with Southeast Asia. His efforts were not just religious—they were diplomatic, cultural, and deeply symbolic of India’s soft power rooted in dharma.

In 1939, Mukherjee played a key role in the Calcutta session of the Hindu Mahasabha, presided over by Veer Savarkar. This marked the beginning of his deeper engagement with the organization.

His decision to join was driven by a desire to unify Hindus politically, especially in Bengal, where the Muslim League’s influence was growing and communal tensions were escalating. He envisioned the Mahasabha as a nationalist platform, not a sectarian one—he even advocated for it to be open to all communities, not just Hindus.

In 1942, the Bhagalpur session of the Hindu Mahasabha was banned by the British authorities under the Defence of India Rules. As President of the Mahasabha, Mukherjee proceeded to Bhagalpur in open defiance, was arrested, and later released.

This act wasn’t just symbolic—it was a direct challenge to colonial suppression of political expression, and it cemented his image as a leader unafraid to stand alone.

The Cripps Mission of 1942, led by Sir Stafford Cripps, offered India dominion status after WWII, but also included a provision allowing provinces to opt out of the Indian Union—essentially legitimizing the idea of partition.

Mukherjee was among the first to reject the proposal, arguing that it undermined national unity and pandered to the Muslim League’s separatist agenda. His stance was rooted in a belief that India’s freedom must be indivisible, and that any constitutional framework must reflect civilizational cohesion, not communal fragmentation.

As President of the Hindu Mahasabha (1943–1946), Mukherjee organized extensive relief efforts during the Bengal famine of 1943, coordinating with groups like the Ramakrishna Mission and Marwari Relief Society.

He also presided over the Amritsar session of the Mahasabha, where he emphasized national unity and opposed the Muslim League’s separatist agenda.

He served as President of the Royal Asiatic Society of Bengal, continuing his father Sir Ashutosh Mukherjee’s legacy of scholarship and cultural stewardship He was also a former Vice-Chancellor of Calcutta University, where he introduced progressive reforms and promoted Indian languages in higher education.

He founded the English daily The Nationalist to articulate a strong, independent voice against colonial policies and to promote cultural nationalism. While detailed archives of the paper are scarce, it was known for its sharp editorials and patriotic tone.

In 1945, during the public outcry over the INA trials, Mukherjee supported student protests and defended their right to observe INA Day, positioning himself as a key figure in Bengal’s nationalist resurgence.

In 1946, he was elected to the Bengal Legislative Assembly as an independent candidate from the Calcutta University constituency. That same year, he also became a member of the Constituent Assembly of India, contributing to the framing of the Constitution.

October 1946, was when the idealist in Dr. Syama Prasad Mukherjee gave way to the realist. The Noakhali genocide and the Great Calcutta Killings weren’t just communal riots; they were civilizational ruptures that shattered any remaining illusions about a united Bengal under equitable governance.

Beginning on Kojagari Lakshmi Puja, the Noakhali riots were a systematic campaign of terror against Bengali Hindus in the Chittagong Division.Over 2,000 square miles were engulfed in violence: forced conversions, mass rapes, desecration of temples, and the destruction of entire villages.

The British administration remained largely inert, and the Muslim League’s local leadership either abetted or ignored the atrocities.Mukherjee, though not physically present in Noakhali, mobilized relief and political pressure, and vocally condemned the silence of the Congress and the complicity of the League.

Called by Jinnah’s Muslim League to demand Pakistan, Direct Action Day on August 16, 1946, turned Calcutta into a battlefield.Under the watch of Bengal’s Premier Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy, mobs ran amok. Estimates of the dead range from 4,000 to 10,000.

Mukherjee organized Hindu self-defense, and later helped form the Hindustan National Guard, a volunteer force to protect vulnerable communities.

Until 1946, Mukherjee had opposed the idea of partition, believing in a culturally plural Bengal. But the Noakhali and Direct Day Action massacres convinced him that coexistence under a League-dominated Bengal would mean annihilation for Hindus.

He became a leading voice for the partition of Bengal, advocating for a Hindu-majority West Bengal to remain in India. On June 20, 1947, the Bengal Legislative Assembly voted on partition. Mukherjee’s efforts were instrumental in securing the vote that kept Calcutta and western Bengal within the Indian Union.

On 15 August 1947, Mukherjee joined Nehru’s first cabinet as India’s first Minister for Industry and Supply.

He laid the foundation of India’s industrial future by drafting the Industrial Policy Resolution of 1948, which,introduced the concept of a mixed economy, balancing public and private enterprise and emphasized self-reliance, small-scale industries, and scientific development.

Projects like Chittaranjan Locomotive Works, Sindri Fertilizer Factory, and Hindustan Aircraft Factory were initiated under his watch.

In April 1950, Nehru signed the Delhi Pact with Pakistan’s Prime Minister Liaquat Ali Khan, aiming to protect minorities in both countries after the horrific communal violence of Partition.

Mukherjee vehemently opposed the pact, arguing that it legitimized Pakistan’s failure to protect its Hindu minorities. And ignored the plight of Hindu refugees fleeing East Pakistan (now Bangladesh).

He believed the pact was a naïve gesture of appeasement, and that India’s moral responsibility was to rehabilitate persecuted Hindus, not send them back into danger.In protest, he resigned from the Cabinet on 6 April 1950, stating that conscience could not be compromised for convenience.

After resigning from Nehru’s cabinet in 1950 over the Nehru–Liaquat Pact, Mukherjee immersed himself in grassroots nationalist work, particularly in Lakhimpur district of Assam, where he worked closely with refugees and displaced Hindus. He became a lifelong pracharak of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), signaling a shift from mainstream politics to ideological nation-building.

With the blessings and strategic support of Guru M.S. Golwalkar, the then RSS Sarsanghchalak, Mukherjee founded the Bharatiya Jana Sangh (BJS) as a nationalist alternative to the Congress. The BJS was envisioned as a disciplined, cadre-based party rooted in cultural nationalism, and it drew heavily from the RSS’s organizational structure and volunteer base.

In India’s first general elections, the BJS won 3 Lok Sabha seats, Dr. Mukherjee himself from Calcutta South East along with Durga Charan Banerjee from Jhargram (West Bengal) and Uma Shankar Trivedi from Chittorgarh (Rajasthan).

Mukherjee’s victory over both Congress and Left candidates in Calcutta was a symbolic assertion of nationalist sentiment in a city long dominated by progressive and Marxist ideologies.

Though the BJS had only 3 MPs, Mukherjee rallied 32 Lok Sabha members and 10 Rajya Sabha members from like-minded parties (including Hindu Mahasabha and Ram Rajya Parishad) to form the National Democratic Party.

While not officially recognized as the Opposition by the Speaker, this bloc functioned as the first organized parliamentary opposition to Nehru’s Congress, laying the groundwork for multi-party democracy in India

Mukherjee opposed the First Amendment to the Constitution (1951), which introduced vague restrictions on free speech such as “public order” and “friendly relations with foreign states.”

He warned that these changes would erode civil liberties, especially the right to dissent—a concern that resonates even today. He also opposed preventive detention without trial, arguing that it violated the principles of natural justice and democratic accountability.

The main ideological points of BJS which were laid down by Shyama Prasad Mukherjee were Uniform Civil Code for everyone, including Muslims and Hindus, scrapping Article 370 and full integration of Jammu and Kashmir with Indian Union and a ban on Cow Slaughter.

That moment in 1953 was the culmination of everything Dr. Syama Prasad Mukherjee had stood for—constitutional clarity, national unity, and civil liberty. His decision to defy the permit system and enter Jammu & Kashmir was not just a political act—it was a satyagraha of conscience.

Under Article 370 and the Delhi Agreement, Jammu & Kashmir had its own constitution, flag, and Prime Minister. Indian citizens, including the President of India, required a permit to enter the state. This arrangement, Mukherjee believed, violated the very idea of Indian sovereignty—how could a citizen need permission to enter their own country?

The Praja Parishad, led by Prem Nath Dogra, had launched a peaceful satyagraha demanding full integration of J&K with India. Mukherjee decided to join the agitation in person, despite warnings from the Nehru government and the J&K administration.

That slogan—“Ek desh mein do Vidhan, do Pradhan, aur do Nishan nahi chalega”—wasn’t just a rhetorical flourish. It was Dr. Syama Prasad Mukherjee’s drawing a line in the sand against what he saw as the balkanization of Indian sovereignty.

His protest wasn’t just symbolic—it was a civil disobedience campaign against what he believed was a constitutional anomaly. In May 1953, Mukherjee entered Jammu & Kashmir without a permit, defying the law.

Arrested on May 11, 1953, when he crossed the border into Kashmir,along with Guru Dutt Vaid and Tekchand Sharma, he was put into a Srinagar prison. Later they were transferred to a cottage outside the city, where his condition started deteriorating.

On June 19, he was suddenly diagnosed with dry pleurisy and coronary complications. This diagnosis came more than a month after his arrest, despite earlier complaints of chest pain and fatigue.

He informed the attending physician, Dr. Ali Mohammed, that streptomycin did not suit his system. Despite this, the doctor administered the injection, assuring him that new research suggested it would be safe

On June 22, Mukherjee complained of severe chest pain and was moved from the cottage where he was detained to a hospital.Only one nurse, Rajdulari Tikoo, was present during this critical period.

As his condition worsened, she summoned Dr. Jagannath Zutshi, but by the time he arrived, Mukherjee’s health had deteriorated rapidly.

At 2:25 AM on June 23, he was declared dead—officially due to a heart attack.No postmortem was conducted.

His mother, Jogamaya Devi, wrote a heart-wrenching letter to Nehru, demanding an impartial inquiry. She never received a satisfactory response.Even Dr. B.C. Roy, then Chief Minister of West Bengal and a close friend, was not informed in time to intervene.

The West Bengal Legislative Assembly passed a resolution calling for a judicial inquiry, but the matter was stonewalled by the Centre and the J&K government, citing Article 370 and jurisdictional limitations.

In 2021, a petition seeking a fresh probe was dismissed by the Calcutta High Court, citing the passage of time and lack of surviving evidence.

To this day, no official inquiry has ever been conducted into the circumstances of his death. For many, it remains not just a personal tragedy but a symbol of institutional opacity and political discomfort with dissent.

Dr.Shyama Prasad Mukherjee died a martyr for the cause of India, for demanding, that no indepdendent sovereign nation could have more than one PM or more than one constitution.

This was a man who stood up for individual rights, demanded a Uniform Civil Code and built up Kolkata University to what it is today. A thinker, an academician, a freedom fighter, a scholar, Dr. Shyama Prasad Mukherjee was a true giant, a colossus whose contribution has been forgotten sadly by modern India.